---
title: 翻譯共筆：當中國間諜決定叛逃到澳大利亞的那一刻
image: https://i.imgur.com/O0j8G2V.jpg
description: 澳洲媒體The Age報導一位中國間諜為何最後選擇叛逃，尋求澳大利亞的政治庇護。
---

# 翻譯共筆：當中國間諜決定叛逃到澳大利亞的那一刻

澳洲媒體 The Age 報導一位中國間諜為何最後選擇叛逃，尋求澳大利亞的政治庇護。

本翻譯由 Google translate 生成。歡迎大家一起動手翻譯，成果以 CC0 授權釋出。

[原文網址](https://www.theage.com.au/national/the-moment-a-chinese-spy-decided-to-defect-to-australia-20191122-p53d0x.html)

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## 全文翻譯

The moment a Chinese spy decided to defect to Australia

當中國間諜決定叛逃到澳大利亞的那一刻


Staring at his own face in a false passport triggered something in Wang Liqiang. After five years as a Chinese spy he was at risk of losing himself. So he decided to defect to Australia.

看著假護照中自己的臉，這喚起王立強心中的一些記憶。作為中國間諜五年後，他面臨了失去自我的危機。因此，他決定叛逃到澳大利亞。

By Nick McKenzie, Grace Tobin and Paul Sakkal

NOVEMBER 23, 2019

2019 年 11 月 23 日

Wang Liqiang now lives in hiding in Australia after abandoning his life as a Chinese spy.

王立強（音譯）放棄了他的中國間諜生活，匿居於澳洲。

Most spies face a moment that challenges their loyalty. But rarely does it make them consider the unimaginable – risking jail or worse for renouncing their country.

大多數間諜會面臨挑戰其忠誠度的時候，但這很少使他們考慮做出那個不可想像的選擇－冒著入獄甚至背棄國家的風險。

For fresh-faced Chinese intelligence operative Wang “William” Liqiang, the arrival of a fake South Korean passport earlier this year triggered such a moment.

對樣貌年輕的中國情報人員王立強（英文名 William）來說，當他今年早些時候收到他的假韓國護照時，引發了這個挑戰。

The name, date and place of birth on the passport belonged to someone else but the photo was his. His orders were to shift his attention from a covert operation to undermine Hong Kong’s democracy movement and focus instead on meddling in Taiwan’s 2020 elections. The ultimate aim was to topple President Tsai Ing-wen.

護照上除了照片是他的之外，其他的資料包含名字、出生日期和出生地都不是他的。他收到的命令是，將重點任務從秘密破壞香港民主運動，轉移到干涉 2020 年臺灣的選舉。最終目的是使蔡英文總統下台。

But staring at his own face in the false passport stirred something in Wang. After five years as a “cut-out” or “co-optee” for the Chinese military intelligence system, he realised he was at risk of losing himself. As he would later write, he was on the cusp of becoming “a person without real identity”.

但是，盯著假護照中自己的照片，王立強的內心覺得有哪裡不對勁。在擔任中國軍事情報系統的「接頭人」或「兼職間諜」五年後，他意識到自己面臨失去自我的危機。根據他後來所寫的，他當時正處在於一個變成「沒有真實身份的人」的關口。

And so the unimaginable — along with its attended risks of detention, denunciation and death — began to take shape in his mind.

於是，那個不可想像的選擇—— 一個可能導致被拘留、被公眾譴責、甚至死亡等風險的計畫，在他的腦海中逐漸成形。

In April, Wang travelled to Australia to visit his wife, who was studying here, and their young son. In Sydney, playing with a child he barely knew, the 27-year-old began to ponder the fallout of not returning to Hong Kong. He felt it too dangerous to put pen to paper but he began composing a letter in his mind.

4 月，王先生前往澳大利亞探望正在那裡讀書的妻子和他們年幼的兒子。他和在雪梨跟這個幾乎沒見過幾次面的孩子一起玩耍，27 歲的他開始思考如果不回去香港的後果。他覺得寫下來實在太危險了，但是他開始在腦海裡構思一封信。

The imagined addressee was the Australian government. The imagined contents would detail his role in Chinese intelligence operations. It would provide an unprecedented insider’s account of the extensive espionage and foreign interference network which operates with seeming impunity in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Australia. He would also describe the lure of democracy, the system he had devoted his past few years to destroying.

王想像中的收件人是澳大利亞政府。在王的想像中，信的內容將詳細說明他在中國情報部門扮演的角色。這將會是有關大規模間諜活動及外國勢力干涉，前所未有的內幕消息，這些外國勢力在臺灣、香港和澳大利亞如常運轉，卻似乎不受一點懲罰。他也將描述民主的魅力，這個他過去幾年致力於破壞的體制。

In late May, while he was still in Sydney, Wang was issued orders to travel to Taiwan under the fake identity. He made up his mind.

5 月下旬，當他仍在雪梨時，王先生收到以偽造身份前往臺灣的命令，他在這時下定決心揭露。

It would be several months before he would receive a phone call from ASIO directing him to meet a man on a street corner at a certain time. But now there was no turning back. He had decided to betray the most powerful and ruthless authoritarian country in the world.

還需要幾個月的時間，他才能收到來自澳大利亞安全情報組織（[ASIO](https://www.asio.gov.au/)）的電話，指示他在特定時間，在街角與一個男人會面。現在已經不能回頭了，他決定出賣世界上最強大、最殘酷的威權國家。

### ‘The word spy didn’t cross our mind’

**我們並沒有想到間諜這個詞**

Wang Liqiang was born to a middle-class family in Fujian, the Chinese province ringed on one side by the grand Wuyi mountains and on the other by a 180-kilometre stretch of water separating the mainland from Taiwan. His father was a regional Communist Party official who provided for his family as China’s prosperity grew.

王立強出生於福建的一個中產階級家庭。中國福建的一側環繞著巨大的武夷山，另一側則是一條長達 180 公里的水域將大陸與臺灣隔開。王的父親是中國共產黨的地方官員，隨著中國繁榮發展，他得以讓他的家人生存。

'Once I go back, I will be dead'

「一旦回去，我會死的」

Former Chinese Spy Wang Liqiang reveals the secret operations he was involved in.

前中國間諜王立強揭露他曾參與過的秘密行動。

Taiwan is a short distance over the water but the gulf with the mainland runs deep. Ruling the island and its territories is central to President Xi Jinping’s dream of a reunified China. The Taiwanese and Chinese governments do not interact directly, creating a major political faultline in East Asia.

臺灣與中國的距離只有短短一海之隔，但鴻溝卻很深。統治這座島嶼及其領土是習近平主席實現中國大一統的夢想核心。臺灣和中國政府不直接互動，在東亞造成了重大政治隱憂。

Taiwan’s Deputy Foreign Minister Hsu Szu-chien says democracy in Taiwan is an existential threat to Xi’s increasingly authoritarian realm.

臺灣的外交部政務次長徐斯儉表示，臺灣的民主對習近平日益擴張的獨裁疆土是已存在的威脅。

“Xi has treated our incumbent government as an enemy,” Hsu tells The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald and 60 Minutes, adding that Taiwan is coming under “severe” pressure. Senior United States officials have long identified Chinese government interference and espionage work in Taiwan but the lack of confirmation from a Chinese government insider has allowed the Chinese Communist Party to deny it.

徐斯儉告訴《時代報》、《雪梨先驅晨報》和《60 分鐘》說：「習近平將現任臺灣政權視為敵人。」他補充說，臺灣正承受著「嚴峻」的壓力。美國高級官員長期以來一直認定中國政府有擾亂臺灣並在台從事間諜工作，但由於缺乏中國政府內部人士證實使得中國共產黨得以對此否認。

Wang did not learn about these deep historical rifts until he was an arts student majoring in oil painting at Anhui University of Finance and Economics. At the time, he viewed them through the prism of patriotic loyalty to the Chinese nation.

直到成為安徽財經大學攻讀油畫系的藝術學生後，王才了解這些深遠的歷史裂痕。當時，他透過愛國、對中華民族的忠誠來看待它們。

> Wang Liqiang with other students at art school in Hong Kong.
> 王立強與香港藝術學院的其他學生

When a senior university official suggested Wang work in Hong Kong at China Innovation Investment Limited (CIIL), a listed diversified investment company with interests in technology, finance and media, he jumped at the chance. Whether he was tapped due to his promise or his patriotism, Wang does not know.

當一位高級大學官員建議王先生在去中國創新投資有限公司（CIIL）工作，王答應了。中國創新投資有限公司是一家上市的多元化投資公司，擁有科技、金融和媒體公司的股份。王先生不知道他被選中是因為他的承諾還是他的愛國情操。

He moved to Hong Kong in 2014 and quickly realised he was not working for a normal company. Chinese website Sina describes the firm’s “main direction [as] investing in the high-quality defence industry assets of both listed and unlisted [People’s Republic of China] companies”. But he overheard company representatives whispering about more sensitive dealings with officials.

他在 2014 年移居香港，並很快意識到自己並非在普通公司工作。中國的新浪網描述了該公司的「主要方向是投資上市和未上市的高品質國防工業公司）」。但是他意外聽到公司的代表與官員在進行更敏感的交易。

When Wang finally twigged that advancing the aims of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its military would underpin much of his work, he was unfazed. “To be honest, for a Chinese, this was attractive,” he recalls. “It paid well and I also felt that I was doing things for the country. At that time, the word 'spy' didn’t cross our mind … [It was] a derogatory term.”

當王最終理解他主要的工作內容將是推進中共及其軍隊的目標時，他並不煩擾。「說實話，對中國人來說，這很有吸引力。」他回憶道。「收入很高，而且我也覺得自己正在為國家做事。當時，我並沒有意識到這就是『間諜』……這樣的一個貶義詞。」

### An extraordinary admission

**非比尋常的招供**

It was Wang’s skill with a paintbrush that propelled him into the company’s inner sanctum. In early 2015, CIIL’s chief executive officer Xin Xiang asked Wang to teach his wife, Qing Gong, oil painting.

王的繪畫技巧使他得以進入公司的內部核心。2015 年初，中國創新投資有限公司（CIIL）的執行長向心要求王教他的妻子龔青油畫。

“Winning her favour was one key point as [to] why I could become a core member,” he says.

他說：「獲得她的喜愛是我成為核心成員的其中一個關鍵。」

> One of Wang's oil paintings.
> 王的油畫作品之一

Invited to the couple’s Hong Kong house, Wang says his boss gradually took him into his confidence. Xiang revealed his actual name was Xiang Nianxin and that in the 1980s and early ’90s he had worked for the Chinese military controlled Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defence and Defence Industries – an organisation dedicated to building China’s weapons program.

被邀請到這對夫婦在香港的房子後，王的老闆漸漸信任他。向心透露，他的真實姓名其實是向念新（音譯），在 1980 年代和 1990 年代初，他曾在中國軍方底下的國防科技工業委員會工作，這是一個致力於建設中國武器計劃的組織。

Xiang also claimed to have worked for high-ranking Communist official Zou Jiahua, a former vice-premier who in the 1980s helped develop China’s defence industry by acquiring foreign military technology.

向心還聲稱曾在共產黨高級官員鄒家華底下做事。鄒家華曾任副總理，他在 1980 年代透過獲取外國軍事技術，幫助中國國防工業的發展。

Xiang told Wang he had come to Hong Kong in 1993 to conduct intelligence work. CIIL was created under the People’s Liberation Army General Staff Department to “infiltrate into Hong Kong’s financial market, as well as collecting military intelligence”, Wang says. Corporate records and newspaper archives reveal CIIL’s close connection to Norinco, the Chinese military’s main weapons company.

向心告訴王，自己曾於 1993 年到香港從事情報工作。王說，中國創新投資有限公司成立於中國人民解放軍總參謀部之下，旨在「滲透香港的金融市場，並收集軍事情報」。公司紀錄和報紙檔案顯示，中國創新投資有限公司與中國軍方的主要武器供應商中國兵器工業集團 ([Norinco](http://www.norinco.com/)) 有著密切的關聯。

Xiang told Wang his most important work was “to buy other countries’ weapons and steal US intelligence from them”. As a result, the US had been closely monitoring him. The weapons, he said, were taken to Hong Kong. A spokesman for CIIL said Xiang did not want to answer questions from The Age, the Herald and 60 Minutes over the phone, because he had never spoken to the journalists who were calling, and when questions were emailed to Xiang, the spokesman said Xiang would not answer because he could not verify that the email was not sent covertly by the Australian government in order to obtain intelligence.

向心對王表達，他最重要的工作是「購買其他國家的武器，並從中竊取美國情報」。因此，美國一直在密切監視他。他說，這些武器被帶到了香港。中國創新投資有限公司的發言人說，向心不想通過電話回答《時代》、《先驅報》和《60 分鐘》的問題，因為他從未與來電的記者通話；當問題通過電子郵件發送給向時，發言人說向無法回覆，因為他無法驗證該電子郵件不是由澳大利亞政府秘密發送藉以獲取情報。

After the story was initially published, an email response from a man called Edison Li said, "Anyone with a little common sense will know that these problems are ridiculous and untrue, and the accuser very likely did this for economic purposes. We will refer the matter to the lawyer."

在故事最初發表後，名為愛迪生·李（Edison Li）的人以電子郵件回覆說：「任何有點常識的人都會知道這些問題是荒謬不實的，指控者很可能出於經濟目的這樣做。我們會將這件事轉交律師處理。」

Wang says that he became an important part of the operation run by Xiang. The opening paragraph of a lengthy and sworn statement Wang provided to ASIO in October pulls no punches: “I have personally been involved and participated in a series of espionage activities.”

王說，他成了向心身邊的重要人物。王在 10 月份向澳大利亞安全情報組織提供的一份冗長宣誓的開篇段落中，直截了當的寫說：「我個人一直涉入並參與了一系列間諜活動。」

It’s an extraordinary admission which comes as tension between Hong Kong and the mainland has erupted into violence. Western security sources say Wang is telling the truth.

這是一個非同尋常的表白，正值香港與內地之間的緊張局勢爆發為暴力事件。西方情報部門的消息人士表示，王說的是實話。

### The Causeway Bay Five

**銅鑼灣五人**

The intelligence operation that Wang joined has its headquarters in an unassuming office tower on Hong Kong’s Des Voeux Road West, a busy strip dominated by hawkers selling dried seafood.

王加入的情報部門總部設在香港德輔道西（Des Voeux Road West）一座不起眼的辦公大樓內。這是一個繁忙的地帶，主要為販售海鮮乾貨的小販。

The Hong Kong protesters have marched past the building, chanting slogans about democracy, extradition and Beijing’s tightening grip. But the case that terrified Hong Kongers more than anything before rallies became sieges was the disappearance of five booksellers from the nearby Causeway Bay Books.

香港示威者已遊行穿過大樓，高喊有關民主、引渡和北京收緊政策的口號。但是，在集會轉為圍城（譯註：應指香港理工大學圍城）之前，最令香港人震驚的事情，莫過於附近的銅鑼灣書店失踪的五名書商。

The Causeway Bay Five disappeared in October 2015, only to reappear on the Chinese mainland and reveal they had been detained and interrogated. The Chinese government has steadfastly denied allegations any were kidnapped. One, Lee Bo, told a pro-CCP television station that he had returned voluntarily.

銅鑼灣五人於 2015 年 10 月失踪後，重新出現在中國大陸，並顯示他們已被拘留和審訊。中國政府堅決否認任何綁架指控。李波（Lee Bo）告訴親中共的電視台他是自願返回的。

Wang tells a different story. The reason for the kidnapping, he says, was that the bookshop was selling works that displeased the CCP, including a book called Xi and his Six Women.

王講的是不同版本的故事。他說，該銅鑼灣書店出售令中共不悅的作品才是綁架的原因，其中包括一本名為《習近平和他的六個女人》的書。

“[Our operative] told us later that he sent six agents who took Lee Bo from the storeroom of Causeway Bay Books directly to mainland China,” Wang says, adding that the operation was organised and overseen by figures inside CIIL. “I was responsible for the negotiation and tasks to be implemented … me and [the team chief] held the negotiation at Xiang Xin’s home,” Wang says.

王說：「(我們的特工人員) 後來告訴我們，他派了六名特工將李波從銅鑼灣圖書庫帶走，直接帶到中國大陸。」王說：「我負責談判和將要執行的任務……我和（團隊負責人）在向心的家中進行了談判。」

Western security sources say Wang’s account is likely to be accurate. It’s backed by another of the detained booksellers, Lam Wing-Kee, who during an interview last month said he has no doubt that Lee Bo was kidnapped. Lam has fled to Taiwan to avoid the terrifying ordeal of being detained again.

西方國安消息人士說，王的說法很可能是正確的。它得到了另一名被拘留的書商林榮基（Lam Wing-Kee）的認同。林榮基上個月在接受採訪時表示，他毫不懷疑李波被綁架了。林逃亡到臺灣，以避免再次被捕的恐怖折磨。

The fear this operation provoked in Hong Kong was intentional, Wang says. The Chinese government wanted to “bring a thorough deterrent effect on those people”.

王說，這個事件在香港挑起的恐懼是刻意引起的。中國政府希望「殺雞儆猴」。

### A ‘core, central agency’

**一個「核心的中央機構」**

Wang says Xiang’s company was a front. Its real business was as a “core, central agency” of Beijing’s intelligence apparatus. “It is in direct contact with the Chinese side … playing the role of communicating between the top level and lower levels … of military intelligence.”

王說向的公司是掩護。它的實際業務是作為北京情報機構的「核心中央機構」。「它與中方直接接觸……扮演著高層與底層之間……軍事情報交流的角色。」

Wang was a middleman who did both intelligence and political interference work, passing orders from bosses in Beijing to operatives in Hong Kong. He claims he met with senior military figures on trips to China and that senior figures from CIIL liaised with the People’s Liberation Army’s General Staff Department (since renamed and restructured) and other agencies and officials. Wang says Xiang was in personal contact with the executive officer in Xi Jinping’s office.

王是一個既從事情報工作又從事政治干預工作的中間人，將北京老闆的命令傳遞給香港的特工。他聲稱他會見了前往中國旅行的高級軍事人物，並且來自中國創新投資有限公司的高級人物與中國人民解放軍總參謀部（已更名和改組）以及其他機構和官員保持聯絡。王說，向與習近平辦公室的執行官有私人聯繫。

Former CIA analyst and co-author of the recently released Chinese Communist Espionage: An Intelligence Primer Peter Mattis says Wang appears to be a “cut-out" or "co-optee". “They act as adjutants to the intelligence officer, who is often building up a suite of resources to use for intelligence or political influence.”

美國中央情報局前分析師，最近發表的《中國共產主義間諜活動：情報入門》一書的合著者彼得·馬蒂斯（Peter Mattis）表示，王先生似乎是「接頭人」或「兼職間諜」。「他們是情報官員的副官，通常會建立一套資源網路用於情報或政治影響。」

US counter-intelligence assessments say China’s espionage system uses cut-outs “under a variety of covers, posing as diplomats, journalists, academics, or business people” who are “tasked with spotting, assessing, targeting, collecting, and running sources”.

美國的反情報評估報告說，中國的間諜系統利用「在各種掩護下，冒充外交官、記者、學者或商人」的特務中間人（cut-outs）「負責發現、評估、確定目標、收集和經營消息來源」。

Wang says he was sworn to secrecy – with one exception. He could talk to the woman he was teaching to paint, Xiang’s wife Qing Gong, because he claims she was part of Xiang's inner circle. As Wang grew close to Qing, he filed away details he learnt about her life. She had become intimate with the intelligence operations being undertaken in Hong Kong and Taiwan. She had also spent time as a postgraduate student at the University of South Australia. This last detail would make Wang wary about fleeing to Australia.

王說他曾發誓要保密 —— 除了一個例外。他可以和他正在教書畫的對象－向心的妻子龔青說，因為他聲稱自己是向心的核心圈子的一部分。隨著王與龔青漸漸接近，他記住了她生活的細節。她對在香港和臺灣進行的情報活動非常熟悉。她還曾在南澳大學當研究生。這最後一個細節將使王先生對逃往澳大利亞保持警惕。

“This is something that I am scared of. As she studied in Australia, I don’t know how many personnel there are in... [the] intelligence network.”

「這是我很害怕的事情。因為她在澳大利亞唸書，我不知道情報網路中有多少人。」

### ‘They would be willing to work for us’

**他們願意為我們工作**

Hong Kong’s tertiary sector, which has since exploded into violence, was a key battleground for Wang. His organisation targeted students through fronts including the China Science and Technology Education Foundation, a charity recognised by the Hong Kong government. Corporate records confirm it is controlled by Xiang.

此後爆發暴力事件的香港高等教育部門是王的關鍵戰場。他的組織以學生為目標，通過包括中國科學技術教育基金會 － 一個香港政府認可的慈善機構在內的各個陣線。公司記錄確認它是由向心控制的。

“They have infiltrated into all universities, including students’ associations and other students’ groups and bodies,” Wang says. “[Some of] the mainland Chinese students … if they are given some petty favours and benefits and opportunities to attend some occasions, they would be willing to work for us.”

王說：「他們已經滲透到所有大學，包括學生會和其他學生團體和群體。」 「（某些）中國大陸學生……如果他們得到一些小小的恩惠、利益和參加某些場合的機會，他們將願意為我們工作。」

> Protesters covered with umbrellas during campus protests in Hong Kong.
> 在香港校園的抗爭中，抗議者利用雨傘遮蔽。

Wang was put in charge of organising and “educating” mainland students, “guiding their ideology”.

王立強負責組織和「教育」中國大陸學生，「指導他們的意識形態」。

“I exchanged ideas with them and learnt about their thinking, then I influenced them with patriotism, guiding them to love the country, love the Party and our leaders, and fight back strongly against those independence and democracy activists in Hong Kong.”

「我和他們交換想法，瞭解他們的思考方式，之後我用愛國主義影響他們，引導他們愛國、愛黨和愛領導，並堅決反對香港的那些獨立和民運人士。」

He helped set up alumni associations to build a network and counter dissidents.

他協助建立校友會，建立起反對異議人士的社群組織。

“We sent some students to join the students’ association and they pretended to support Hong Kong independence,” Wang says. “They found out information about those pro-independence activists … and conducted human flesh search [a Chinese term for researching using internet media such as blogs and forums]”. Then they “made public all their personal data, their parents’ and family members’, then we attacked them verbally, swearing at them.

王說：「我們指派一些學生加入學生會，他們假裝支持香港獨立。」 「他們找了有關那些支持香港獨立人士的資訊……並進行人肉搜索（利用部落格和論壇等網際網路媒體搜尋個人資料）。然後公開他們的所有個資，包含父母和家人的個資，之後我們就言語攻擊、詛咒他們。」

“[We] effectively silenced them.”

「 (我們) 很有效地讓他們噤聲。」

Another battleground for CIIL was Hong Kong’s media. Wang says the company invested in outlets, appointing and influencing senior media personnel to support the CCP’s message and drown out dissenting voices.

中國創新投資的另一個戰場是香港的媒體。王說，該公司投資於網點，任命並影響高級媒體人員以支持中共的信息，並消除異議聲音。

“A lot of media outlets are under [Xiang’s] control - he either holds actual or nominal shares or his company holds shares. Currently, the battlefield in Hong Kong is mainly one of public opinion.”

「許多媒體都受到 (向心) 的控制-他持有實際或名義股份，或者他的公司持有股份。目前，香港的戰場主要是輿論之一。」

One of the most senior intelligence operatives in Hong Kong, according to Wang, was a senior manager of a major Asian television network. He also played a vital role in the kidnapping of bookseller Lee Bo. The Herald, Age and 60 Minutes have decided not to name the executive for legal reasons.

王說，香港最高級的情報人員之一是一位亞洲主要電視網的高級經理。他在綁架書商李波（Lee Bo）中也發揮了至關重要的作用。 《先驅報》、《時代報》和《60 分鐘》已出於法律原因，決定不公開這位高階經理的姓名。

“He was the one responsible for organising the agents to kidnap and persecute Hong Kong democracy activists,” he says, claiming the man “is a current military cadre with a Division Commander rank.”

「他是負責組織特工綁架和迫害香港民主活動家的人，」他說，這名男子「是現任軍事司令部軍銜。」

### ‘China could do whatever they wanted’

**中國可以為所欲為**

Kidnapping the bookseller scarred Wang. He realised that “China could do whatever they wanted. So I felt quite scared in Hong Kong."

綁架書商的事件使王害怕。他意識到「中國可以做他們想做的任何事情。所以我在香港感到很害怕。」

Adding to his fear were the alliances between members of his organisation and the triads – Chinese mafia organisations “who also represent the Chinese government”.

更令他擔憂的是，他的組織成員與中國幫派三合會之間的聯盟「也代表了中國政府」。

Painting became Wang’s escape. His art took on a shimmering, colourful quality, evoking places and feelings far from the steel and concrete of the city. When he talked to his wife Mia, who was studying in Australia, he never wanted their conversations to end.

繪畫成了王立強逃離現實的方式。他的作品呈現出波光粼粼的色彩，讓人聯想起遠離城市鋼鐵和混凝土的地方和感覺。當他和正在澳大利亞讀書的妻子 Mia 交談時，他希望他們對話不要結束。

> Painting by Wang.
> 王立強的畫作

In January 2017, Mia told him she was pregnant. He wondered how he would tell his child about his job and what sort of life they would have in Hong Kong or the mainland. But his bosses wanted him to keep working.

2017 年 1 月，Mia 告訴他她懷孕了。他思索未來如何跟孩子提起他的工作以及在香港或中國大陸將過著怎樣的生活。然而，老闆們仍然要求他繼續工作。

The so-called “nine-in-one” elections in Taiwan in 2018 (during which officials from county magistrates to local mayors were elected) presented Beijing with an opportunity to challenge the rule of President Tsai Ing-wen. Wang helped direct a major operation which was ultimately aimed at throwing Tsai out of office in favour of a pro-Beijing candidate.

臺灣在 2018 年進行了所謂的「九合一」選舉（選舉從鄉鎮市長到縣市長），使北京有機會挑戰蔡英文總統的統治。 王協助指導了一項主要行動，該行動的最終目的是將蔡英文踢出總統府，換成親北京的候選人。

“Our work on Taiwan was the most important work of ours – the infiltration into media, temples and grassroots organisations,” says Wang.

王說：「我們在臺灣的活動是最重要的 —— 包含對媒體、廟宇和基層組織的滲透。」

He helped Chinese intelligence agencies build a “cyber army”, largely of university students, to shift political debate and candidates’ fortunes.

他幫助中國情報機構組建了一支「網軍」，主要由大學生組成，以轉移政治焦點，改變候選人的命運。

“In Taiwan we had many places - restaurants, and IT companies - which we either acquired or funded,” Wang says. “If we wanted to attack someone, we could instantly collapse their Facebook” from Hong Kong, using false IP addresses to put out anti-democracy messages.

「在臺灣，被我們收購或資助了很多，包括餐館和資訊技術公司在內的地方」王說，「如果我們想攻擊某人，我們可以立即癱瘓他們的臉書」，從香港使用假的網路位址發布反民主消息。

> I know very well that the Chinese Communist Party can never be trusted. Once I go back, I will be dead.
>
> -- Chinese spy Wang Liqiang

> 我深知永遠不能相信中國共產黨。我一回去，就必死無疑。
>
> —— 中國間諜王立強

Wang says CIIL also invested in Taiwanese media companies and built covert alliances with TV stations, allowing the control and censorship of news. He names food manufacturer and media owner the Want Want group as a key ally.

王說，中國創新投資有限公司還投資了臺灣的媒體公司，並與電視台建立了秘密聯盟，從而控制和審查新聞。他指出身為食品製造商和媒體持有者的旺旺集團為關鍵盟友。

“We also controlled media, like buying their ads to propagate the trend, and let them report in favour of those candidates we were supporting,” says Wang. Want Want’s owner Tsai Eng-meng has had “a very close relationship and cooperation with Xiang Xin,” Wang says. A Financial Times article in August accusing Want Want of taking editorial direction from Beijing was dismissed by the company as “fake news”.

王說：「我們還控制了媒體，例如購買他們的廣告以傳播趨勢，並讓他們進行報導以支持我們支持的候選人。」王說，旺旺的老闆蔡衍明一直與「向心有著非常密切的關係和合作」。8 月，《金融時報》（Financial Times）一篇文章指控旺旺接受北京的編輯指導，被該公司駁斥為「假新聞」。

As well as directing positive media attention towards favoured politicians, including presidential candidate Han Kuo-yu, Wang claims he helped finance grassroots political support for the opposition. “With the Kuomintang [the Chinese Nationalist Party] candidates we … gave them full support. Then we also made donations to the temples and organised those believers to tour mainland China and Hong Kong, and influence them with [the CCP-aligned] United Front propaganda. As a result, we had a huge win ... and it was a glorious record,” Wang says.

除了為屬意的政治人物包括總統候選人韓國瑜在內帶起媒體正面風向外，王還聲稱他資助了對反對黨的草根政治支持。「與國民黨候選人一起，我們……給予他們全力支持。然後，我們還向這些廟宇捐款，並組織這些信徒參觀中國大陸和香港，並通過中共統一陣線的宣傳對其產生影響。結果，我們獲得了巨大的勝利……這是光榮的記錄。」王說。

### ‘My heart is extremely sad’

**我內心極度悲傷**

For Wang it was a hollow victory. His son had been born in November 2017. Wang wanted to travel to Australia to visit him but his success in the 2018 Taiwan elections meant he was given a new task: interfering in the 2020 presidential election with the aim of unseating Tsai. This was when he received the envelope bearing fake identity papers.

對於王來說，這是一次空洞的勝利。他的兒子出生於 2017 年 11 月。王先生想去澳大利亞探望他，但他在 2018 年臺灣大選中的成功意味著他被賦予了一項新任務：干預 2020 年總統大選，目的是讓蔡下台。當時他收到帶有偽造身份證件的信封。

“I was requested to change my name and whole identity to go to Taiwan and be a spy there,” he says.

他說：「我被要求更改姓名和身份，前往臺灣做間諜。」

Part of Wang’s interference would rely on what he calls “Taiwan’s black society”, or the triads. But Wang feared being caught by Taiwan’s counter-espionage authorities. Out of hours, he painted furiously and plotted his escape.

王的干預部分仰賴他所謂的「臺灣黑社會」或三合會。但王擔心被臺灣反間諜當局抓獲。幾個小時後，他激動的秘密策劃了逃亡。

“If anything happened to me, my family would be ruined. What would my family, my young son do? Who could protect me?”

「要是發生任何事情，我會家破人亡。我的家人、我的小兒子會怎麼樣？誰能保護我？」

Earlier this year, Wang told his boss’ wife that he needed to travel to Australia to visit his son. He flew into Sydney on April 23 knowing he would neither return home nor see his parents again.

今年初，王先生告訴老闆的妻子，他需要前往澳洲探望兒子。他於 4 月 23 日飛往雪梨，他知道他既不會返回家園，也不會再見到他的父母。

“Whenever I think of this, I am very sad. My family, not only my parents, but also my grandparents … I dare not communicate much as our phones are tapped. This is the saddest thing … my heart is extremely sad and no words can express my grief,” Wang says.

「每當想到這一點，我都會感到非常難過。我的家人，不僅是我的父母，還包括我的祖父母……由於我們的電話被竊聽，我不敢跟他們有太多聯繫。這是最可悲的事情……我非常難過，沒有任何言語可以表達我的悲傷。」王說。

> Defector Wang Liqiang is now in hiding in Sydney.
> 投誠間諜王立強現在匿身於雪梨。

Both his family and his wife’s have a strong Communist Party pedigree – all are party members and loyal to the country. “I really have no idea what this will bring to the rest of my life,” he says.

他的家人和妻子都有很強的共產黨血統 —— 都是黨員，並效忠國家。他說：「我真的不知道這會給我的餘生帶來什麼。」

It took seven months after Wang arrived before he was called by ASIO – it is likely that ASIO did not know his intelligence value until his application for protection reached an immigration official. In the meantime, Wang moved from house to house and took counter-surveillance measures, watching for people following him and changing his routine. He painted and played with his son and watched the protests in Hong Kong get bigger as those he had likely recruited hit back.

從王到達澳洲之後，大概過了七個月才接到澳大利亞安全情報組織的電話。在他的庇護申請提交給移民官員之前，ASIO 可能不知道他的情報價值。同時，王先生不停搬家，採取了反監視措施，注意跟蹤他的人，改變自己的日常作息。他與兒子一起繪畫和玩耍，看著香港的抗議活動隨著可能是他招募的成員的反擊而擴大。

Gradually, his worldview changed.

逐漸地，他的世界觀發生了變化。

“China’s view of life and the world simply cannot create outstanding talents because it is totalitarianism, it is dictatorship,” Wang says. “I hope that my child and my family can ... do something for human beings. I feel that in Australia this can be achieved.”

「中國式的人生觀和世界觀根本無法培育傑出的人才，因為它是極權主義，是專政。」王說， 「我希望我的孩子和我的家人可以⋯⋯為人類做些事情。我覺得在澳大利亞可以實現。」

Wang will not say what he has disclosed to ASIO. But he is willing to help the Australian government understand China’s intelligence system and he has knowledge about operatives. Mattis says Wang’s disclosures are unprecedented and valuable – and also extraordinarily brave. Until now, the relatively small number of defectors have kept quiet.

王不會透露他向澳大利亞安全情報組織披露的內容。但是他願意幫助澳大利亞政府了解中國的情報系統，並且他對特工有所了解。馬蒂斯（Mattis）說，王的披露是史無前例且有價值的，而且也非常勇敢。到目前為止，絕無僅有的叛逃者一直保持沉默。

Wang says he hopes his public comments will energise the fight for human rights and democracy in Hong Kong and Taiwan. He describes his decision to take on the Chinese government and its powerful intelligence operation as an ant challenging an elephant. But at the very least, he says his son will one day understand that he stood up for what counts.

王說，他希望他的公開聲明能夠激勵香港和臺灣捍衛人權與民主。他將自己挑戰中國政府及其強大的情報部門的決定，形容成挑戰大象的螞蟻。但他說至少他的兒子有一天會明白他為了什麼挺身而出。

For now, though, he is in no man’s land, counting down the days of his tourist visa and watching his back.

不過，就目前而言，他在不明確的狀態上，倒數著旅遊簽證的到期日並留意著身後。

“I know very well that the Chinese Communist Party can never be trusted. Once I go back, I will be dead.”

「我深知永遠不能相信中國共產黨。我一旦回去，就必死無疑。」