帝國
Empire
Every tool is a weapon if you hold it right.
– Ani DiFranco 歌手、女性主義者、社運人士、DIY
1990年Ani DiFranco跟人合夥創立了唱片廠牌《Righteous Babe》(正義寶貝)
Men fight and lose the battle, and the thing that they fought for comes about in spite of their defeat, and then it turns out not to be what they meant, and other men have to fight for what they meant under another name.
– William Morris,美術工藝運動、英國社會主義運動發起者
換了位置就換了腦袋?
革命沒有結束的一天。
否定工業產品、否定工業化,提倡恢復中世紀的手工藝傳統,企圖躲避工業化在設計上的影響。
1880年代之後,「工藝美術」運動變成了一個國際運動。到了世紀之交,「工藝美術」運動變成了一個主要的設計風格影響因素,它的影響遍及歐洲各國,它的基本思想,是強烈反對工業化,它利用自然風格、日本裝飾風格和 中世紀裝飾風格作為繁瑣的維多利亞式風格的對抗,其對於中世紀的手工藝傳統的鼓勵和推進,幾乎影響了所有的歐美國家,從而促使歐洲和美國產生了另外一個規 模更佳大的設計運動 ─「新藝術」運動 (Art Nouveau)。雖然工藝美術運動風格在二十世紀開始就失去其勢頭,但是對於精緻、合理的設計,對於手工藝的完好保存,迄今還有相當影響。
前因:
18世紀工業革命後,大量工業製造產品出現,產品粗糙,缺乏美感。工業產品被藝術家唾棄。當時代表工業革命產品為
工業革命讓部份資產階級成為 富豪,亦產生更多無產階級貧民,產生對立。平民百姓眼見社會貧富差距過大,無力挽回,便開始響往古代中世紀歐洲的生活,作為內心無奈的抒發。
特色:
以上取自:
http://kolotw.blogspot.jp/2010/07/art-craft-movement.html
波斯灣戰爭是指1990年8月2日至1991年2月28日期間,以美國為首的由34個國家組成的聯軍和伊拉克之間發生的一場局部戰爭。1990年8月2日,伊拉克軍隊入侵科威特,推翻科威特政府,並宣布科威特的「回歸」以及大伊拉克的「統一」。以美國為首的多國部隊在取得聯合國授權後,於1991年1月17日開始對科威特和伊拉克境內的伊拉克軍隊發動軍事進攻,主要戰鬥包括歷時42天的空襲、在伊拉克、科威特和沙烏地阿拉伯邊境地帶展開的歷時100小時的陸戰。多國部隊以輕微的代價取得決定性勝利,重創伊拉克軍隊。伊拉克最終接受聯合國安理會第660號決議,並從科威特撤軍。
這次戰爭是美軍自越南戰爭後主導參加的第一場大規模局部戰爭,也是第一場聯合國會員國之間的戰爭。在戰爭中,美軍首次將大量高科技武器投入實戰,展示了壓倒性的制空、制電磁優勢。通過波斯灣戰爭,美國進一步加強了與波斯灣地區國家的軍事、政治合作,儘管強化了美軍在該地區的軍事存在,卻未能同時剷除海珊政權,為2003年的伊拉克戰爭埋下了伏筆。
During the first Gulf War, DiFranco participated in the anti-war movement. – wiki頁面
這就可以理解為何要引用他的歌詞當卷頭語了
在1999年3月23日的最後通牒時效過後,美國比爾·柯林頓政府宣告終止外交努力,開始對南聯實施空中攻擊,南斯拉夫聯盟共和國的回應則是大舉進軍科索沃,以更殘酷的種族淨化政策,驅逐阿裔人民離境,造成歐洲二次大戰以來最大的難民潮。經78天轟炸,南聯遭受相當大的損失。戰爭從3月24日至6月10日,當北約攻擊塞蒙目標時,阿爾巴尼亞人游擊隊持續與塞爾維亞政府武力戰鬥,在這段期間,戰亂造成了科索沃的人口大幅減少。
Capitalism only triumphs when it becomes identified with the state, when it is the state.
–- Fernand Braudel 布勞岱爾,法國史學家,年鑑學派第二代代表人物。
這段話應該是出自《15至18世紀的物質文明、經濟和資本主義》,書分三冊,且看wiki上的介紹給我一種Lefebvre日常生活批判的既視感…
They make slaughter and they call it peace.
–- Tacitus 塔西陀,羅馬帝國執政官、雄辯家、元老院元老、歷史學家,著有《歷史》、《羅馬帝國編年史》
「民族國家」的開端
the biblical tradition, has begun to reappear recently as a central narrative of political discussions, particularly in the wake of the Gulf War.
根據聖經傳統,當國家領土遭侵略,或國家獨立性受侵犯時有就權發動戰爭。
jus ad bellum (right to make war)
Two distinct elements are combined in this concept of just war: first, the legitimacy of the military apparatus insofar as it is ethically grounded, and second, the effectiveness of military action to achieve the desired order and peace. The synthesis of these two elements may indeed be a key factor determining the foundation and the new tradition of Empire.
所謂「正義之戰」包含兩個元素:
The ‘‘police’’ appears as an administration heading the state, to- gether with the judiciary, the army, and the exchequer. True. Yet in fact, it embraces everything else. Turquet says so: ‘‘It branches out into all of the people’s conditions, everything they do or under- take. Its field comprises the judiciary, finance, and the army.’’ The police includes everything.
–- Michel Foucault
從規訓的社會到控制的社會
從外部到內部
對個體的控制不只透過藝術形態、思想,更重要的還有身體、肉身
If we wanted to take up again Max Weber’s famous three- part formula of the forms of legitimation of power, the qualitative leap that Empire introduces into the definition would consist in the unforeseeable mixture of (1) elements typical of traditional power, (2) an extension of bureaucratic power that is adapted physi- ologically to the biopolitical context, and (3) a rationality defined by the ‘‘event’’ and by ‘‘charisma’’ that rises up as a power of the singularization of the whole and of the effectiveness of imperial interventions.
Once embodied in the power of the workers’ councils, which must internationally supplant all other power, the proletarian movement becomes its own product, and this product is the producer itself. The producer is its own end. Only then is the spectacular negation of life negated in turn.
–- Guy Debord
Now is the time of furnaces, and only light should be seen.
–- Jose Marti
Flirting with Hegel, one could say that the construction of Empire is good in itself but not for itself.
不懂這句的意思,在第42頁1.3的開頭
We cannot be satisfied, however, with that political condem- nation of modern power that relies on the historia rerum gestarum, the objective history we have inherited. We need to consider also the power of the res gestae, the power of the multitude to make history that continues and is reconfigured today within Empire.
On the contrary, our reasoning here is based on two methodological approaches that are intended to be nondialectical and absolutely immanent: the first is critical and deconstructive, aiming to subvert the hegemonic languages and social structures and thereby reveal an alternative ontological basis that resides in the creative and productive practices of the multitude; the second is constructive and ethico-political, seeking to lead the processes of the production of subjectivity toward the constitution of an effective social, political alternative, a new constituent power.
奧匈帝國國徽
雙頭鷹是(過去民族國家)帝國的象徵,頭朝外表示要看顧東、西兩邊的領土(至少拜占庭帝國是這樣解釋它的雙頭鷹),哈特與涅格里借用雙頭鷹來描述今日的「帝國」,認為這兩個頭的方向變成朝內的,兩隻鷹互相攻擊。
一頭是 a juridical structure and a constituted power, constructed by the machine of biopolitical command
另一頭是 the plural multitude of productive, creative subjectivities of globalization that have learned to sail on this enormous sea.
但是後段又說現今的諸眾既是反帝國(against)的,也是在帝國之內(within)的,所以雙頭鷹在這個層面上就不是個精確的比喻。
一份不像宣言的宣言…
the manifestos of Machiavelli and Marx-Engels define the political as the movement of the multitude and they define the goal as the self-production of the subject. Here we have a materialist teleology.
馬基維利與馬、恩將政治定義為諸眾的運動,運動的目的在於建立主體,這是一種唯物的目的論。
不明白什麼是「唯物的目的論」,宣言的結尾又提了一次
How can productive labor dispersed in various networks find a center? How can the material and immaterial production of the brains and bodies of the many construct a common sense and direction, or rather, how can the endeavor to bridge the distance between the formation of the multitude as subject and the constitution of a democratic political apparatus find its prince?
連續的問句:分散的諸眾力量如何串連,諸眾組成的民主政治機制如何找到屬於自己的君王?
???意味著還是需要中央集權嗎???