# Timber, brick and stone: the Italian immigrants' heritage in Santa Catarina between decadence and valorization

Liliane Janine Nizzola - Superintendent at IPHAN Santa Catarina
Marco Antonio Minozzo Gabriel - PhD Candidate in Conservation of the Architectural Heritage at Politecnico di Milano

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# Abstract
Several migratory waves compose the Italian immigrants' cultural heritage in the State of Santa Catarina. In contact with different landscapes and resource availability, it generated a rich architectural panorama in which the motherland's forms and customs were transformed into three building traditions: the big stone houses in the south, the brick constructions of the Itajai Valley and the timber ensembles of the west.
The south of Santa Catarina testified the tradition of stone rubble as the primary method to erect big houses - in which kitchens are separated, washrooms are later additions, and the walls are decorated. Timber constructions exist in every location where Italian Immigration had predominantly set itself. In the west, however, the Italian-Gaucho culture's influence met the ample availability of Araucaria trees, so the use of wood for architecture happened abundantly.
In the regions where German immigrants prevailed, such as in the Itajai valley's colonies, a fusion between Italian and German descendants' constructive cultures occurred. Along the valley, brick masonry was frequently used along with Germanic volumetric typologies. Full arches, balconies, separated kitchens and ornamental details made with bricks showcase the Italian presence within the area.
A century later, in between the decadence of traditions and obsolescence of construction methods, the Immigrants' culture valorization and the remaining architectural ensembles' inventories granted attention to the possibilities of the patrimonialization of the immigration locus. This process happened in contrast with the ongoing urban development that continually reshapes Santa Catarina's cities since the beginning of the second half of the 20th century.
This article proposes an evaluation and comparison between the results obtained by the valorization and safeguarding processes in these three macro zones, characterized by their primary building materials. It aims to interpret the motivations between using these materials in which one of these regions and how these architectural arrangements currently favor or difficult their preservation. It also addresses the possibilities developed concerning the ensembles' sustainability from the different socioeconomic interpretations after the apogee and the decline of their respective cycles. Finally, it aims to comprehend how tourism, in its role as a replacement economic cycle, affects the relations between the ensembles and their rural and urban environments, and how the course of touristification of the other immigration cultures in the State, especially the German one, affects the Italian-Catarinense culture's commodification and its preservation.

# Introduction

Santa Catarina is a Brazilian State where the Italian Immigrants' material culture has transformed itself into multiple architectural manifestations. Three resources - brick, stone and timber - allowed Italians and their descendants to blend ancestral construction roots into their new environment. Subject to many influences, a rich technical repertoire arose throughout the State, although Italians' indelible presence is more strongly felt in three regions: The South, the Itajaí Valley and the West. Once the dominant language, these construction techniques have given way to the urbanization of towns and the popularization of standardized building methods, especially from the 1950s onwards.
From 1875 onwards, Italians' arrival both directly and from internal migration imprinted tangible architectural traces in Santa Catarina. The boundaries between the three materials' usage are not rigid: it is possible to find timber constructions all across the State. The late popularization of brick masonry contributed to shaping the final period of Italian immigrants' architectural production. Stone was used as a secondary material when available, although its abundance created the possibility of Southern rural ensembles.

Figure 1. Map of Colonization Zones in Santa Catarina. Source: SEPLAN/SC Atlas de Santa Catarina 1986 modified by the authors.

Figure 2. Map of Italian colonization routes in Santa Catarina. Source: Osvaldo Antonio Furlan, 2001, modified by the authors.

After the Second World War, Industrialization and urbanization played a central role in the decadence of the immigrants' construction traditions. "The rural areas – where the most expressive portion of the Immigrant's heritage is, represented by the small rural properties and their built settings - have been engulfed by the urban perimeter of expanding cities, resulting in a fast and implacable transformation of the cultural landscape. The same occurs in the city centers, former colonial nuclei. The main streets kept their trace and testimony of the colony's embryo, but only a few edifications survived and kept resisting". (Vieira Filho and Weissheimer, 2006, A, p. 116) (our translation).
"The Italian Colonization of the South of Santa Catarina has also been suffering from the cities' urban growth, especially in Tubarão and Criciúma. In Pedras Grandes, between Urussanga and Tubarão, many houses and interesting edifications can still be found among a fast-changing landscape" (Vieira Filho and Weissheimer, 2006, A, p.338) (our translation).
A century later, in between the decadence of traditions and obsolescence of construction methods, the Immigrants' culture valorization and the remaining architectural ensembles' inventories granted attention to the possibilities of the patrimonialization of the immigration locus. This process, propelled by the commemoration of the Centenary of the Italian Immigration in 1975, continually happened in parallel with the ongoing urban development that has been reshaping Santa Catarina's cities since the beginning of the second half 20th century.
Although Italian Immigration started by the first half of the 19th century, this legacy's preservation started late. The first attempt to inventory and protect the European Immigration's material heritage in Santa Catarina was made by the Fundação Catarinense de Cultura (Cultural Foundation of Santa Catarina), in the 1980s. However, this effort represented the primary step that prospected a small number of goods, considering its vast universe. It resulted in the listing of one hundred and eleven properties in the 1990s. Nevertheless, it is essential to emphasize that this number includes different manifestations of many Immigrant cultures in the State, including Germans and Portuguese Colonization. In this process, less than ten buildings represented Italian Immigration specifically.
After this initial period, the preservation of built heritage from Italian Immigration took a new step when the Federal Government began an inventory, which resulted in a project named "Roteiros Nacionais da Imigração em Santa Catarina. " It is conceivably the most successful attempt to survey the Italian immigrants' cultural heritage in the State. Commanded by the federal Government through IPHAN, it initiated by the end of the 1990s and lasted until 2005.
This project aimed at identifying the most representative and preserved architectural examples derived from the European Immigration in Santa Catarina, including buildings of religious architecture (churches and temples), residential, commercial, institutional, industrial and educational edifications, infrastructures (bridges) - both in rural and urban settings.
In order to define the properties proposed for the landmarking, several of the most relevant municipalities were surveyed from the point of view of German, Italian, Polish and Ukrainian immigration. The study included Blumenau, Pomerode, Timbó, Benedito Novo, Indaial, Ascurra, Rodeio and Rio dos Cedros, all representative of the Blumenau Colony; Joinville, Campo Alegre and São Bento do Sul, all members of the former Colônia Dona Francisca; besides Jaraguá do Sul (Sociedade Colonizadora Hanseatica), Brusque and Guabiruba - from Colônia Brusque. In the north, Mafra and Itaiópolis had their main properties inventoried. In the south, derived from the Azambuja Colony, Urussanga, Nova Veneza, Pedras Grandes and Orleans were researched. (Vieira Filho and Weissheimer, 2006, A, p.274).
The initial phase nominated individual buildings and ensembles related to relevant historical facts about the Immigration of the main four populations, with different materials and constructive techniques (Vieira Filho, 2012, p.189). In this process, about 600 goods were inventoried in more than 30 cities. Some of them were Italian immigration examples, of these, the most part was located in the South of the State (Cities of Urussanga, Nova Veneza, Criciúma), some in the Itajaí valley (Ascurra, Rio dos Cedros, Rodeio) or around Tijucas River (Nova Trento, Canelinha e São João Batista).
In this action 60 individual goods were nominated to become national heritage; 200 properties were nominated as state heritage, and 300 were nominated as municipal heritage (Vieira Filho, 2012, p.191).
The results generated 64 goods formally listed as national heritage (61 individual goods and three ensembles) and 57 goods officially listed as state heritage. Even though 16 cities had signed a commitment to protect and list the nominated properties, just a handful of municipalities have filled their role in this agreement, and less than 100 nominated goods became cultural heritage. The cities of Blumenau, Jaraguá do Sul, Joinville, Pomerode, and São Bento do Sul are the cities with the best results in terms of municipal listings.

Figure 3. Brazilian map – inventory area. Source: authors, 2021.

Nevertheless, in this vast effort to preserve the cultural heritage in Santa Catarina, a large part of the State was not surveyed yet (figure 3) This is evident in terms of preservation, representing the location of the listed properties in the State, which are concentrated on the coast and regions nearby. There are only a few protected properties in the West and Midwest portion of the State – a small portion of State listings and a few scattered efforts made by single Municipalities. However, the State's whole West portion is particularly relevant for Italian Immigration, but it remains undocumented in its architectural relevance. As a result, the failure in inventorying them exposes those settings to accelerated deterioration.

Figure 4. Listed goods in the Santa Catarina map. Source: www.ipatrimonio.org (accessed 21 February 2021), modified by the authors.

Then map above demonstrates the difficulty of the Federal and State public institutions, both based in the capital (Florianópolis – on the east coast), of moving throughout the land to inventory and recognize these goods (almost 700 kilometers from east to West). Cities are failing to establish processes of their own, and so the scattered efforts do not generate results in terms of the preservation of a layer of Immigration architecture but focus on a tiny number of individual representatives.
In Brazil, the competence to preserve cultural heritage is shared between the Federal Government, states, and municipalities, and everyone should legislate and protect heritage, according to articles 23 (item III) and 24 (item VII) of the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution. However, the map demonstrates that the federative pact is unbalanced and Municipalities have failed in this regard, hence the massive number of goods protected by the Federal Government – 99 buildings listed by IPHAN until 2019 (IPHAN, n/d) – and the State - 348 goods listed until 2021 (FCC, n/d) – in opposition to a reduced number of the Municipal listings. The only exception is related to the German context, where both Pomerode and Blumenau have effectively landmarked hundreds of buildings in their territory.
The "undiscovered" areas (Midwest and West of Santa Catarina) are regions with many possibilities regarding the patrimonialization of Italian descendant's heritage. Nevertheless, even in the regions where the inventory was carried out, there are criticisms about its scope, and the selection made, as presented by Pistorello (2011, p.2): "Along the way, I notice the (in) the visible presence of properties that were not covered by the selection of the preservation agency and, in conclusion, I propose some reflections that perceive this set of goods that contemplate the National Immigration Routes as a strategy for building a past that meets the demands involved in this heritage process." (our translation).

# 1. The timber ensembles of the migratory waves in the Midwest and West of Santa Catarina

The Colonization of Santa Catarina's West was mostly promoted by settlement enterprises' action - companies that sold land in lots destined to familiar agriculture. "Most of the clientele for the acquisition of lands was composed of settlers from areas of Rio Grande do Sul, which fueled the migratory process, especially in the period of the definition of the interstate limit between Paraná and Santa Catarina, in 1916, up until the mid 20th century" (Radin and Silva, 2018, p. 682) (my translation). By 1910, It was already possible to perceive the influx of settlers from the old Italian Colonies of Rio Grande do Sul towards the Midwest (Piazza, 1974, p. 88-89).
The Italians initially settled in the Gaucho meridional plateaus from 1870 onwards received uneven hillsides where there were plenty of pine trees but an overall scarcity of stone. Coming mainly from Veneto's plains and hills, these settlers were accustomed to using fired bricks and stone as construction materials for walls, while scarce timber was used for roofs, openings and floors. (Gutierrez and Gutierrez, 2000).
After a brief period of utilization of blocausse, Italian immigrants developed a building relationship with timber in Rio Grande do Sul carried out to Santa Catarina and Paraná along with the migratory process. Once blocausse has proven to be not viable, the colonists used timber to "recreate the shape of the masonry architecture of the Italian hill" (Posenato, 1989, p. 23) (our translation).
This reinterpretation of the Italian masonry architecture in timber has been generated by developing a new construction technique. The structural skeleton composed of columns and beams is enclosed by sawn vertical laths, where rough joints are encased with thin timber strips applied over them (in Portuguese, they are called mata-juntas, which translates to joint-killers). Instead of assembling structural elements with joints, this architecture took advantage of wood dowels and later readily available iron nails (Rech, 2016, p.11), which somehow denotes the colonists' lesser experience using timber. It sets the structures apart from German Immigrants' timber structures in Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina, embedded in the assembling tradition of fachwerk. Besides, the fast development of the technique also took advantage of the early standardization of wood processing for building purposes, contributing to its spreading.
Nevertheless, the creative usage of the timber laths of both an enclosure and a bracing element makes the technique unique. Along with the floor laths, they are responsible for assuring structural stability to the buildings (Posenato, 1989; Imaguire Jr and Imaguire, 2011). Therefore, diagonal elements are less common, except for small brackets' occasional usage to allow beams to withstand larger spans.
In terms of shape, Mazzarotto and Batista (2013, p.224) affirm that the immigrants built very similarly to their homeland, even those who have not had access to elite labor or similar materials. For Posenato (1989, p. 23), they kept alive the tradition of Etruscan-roman austere and laid-back housing schemes, in opposition to the official architecture's ornamented characteristics. However, the Germans' influence is felt in adopting grain storage attics, an ill-fated process that led the Italians to enlarge the basements, generating the traditional cantinas (Weimer, 2012, p.174).
However, Posenato (1987, p. 300) notes that, in contrast to Northern Italy, Italian immigrants did not build collective housing schemes "a cortile," which he attributes to their fascination with the actual possession of the land and as an affirmation of freedom.
When these ítalo-gauchos moved to the West of Santa Catarina, the established building custom prevailed throughout the State, once the abundance of Araucária wood spread as far as the West of Paraná. Roche (1969) estimated that around 250 thousand settlers migrated from one State to the other. In the short period of the timber cycle (around 50 years), from rural appropriation to the emerging of cities, the rural architecture developed in three phases: primitive period, apogee, and later period (Posenato, 2020).
The first phase's wretched hovels are related to the colonists' lack of resources and their difficulties when migrating within Brazil. In the apogee, rural big houses followed the gaucho model: austere timber buildings customarily placed upon uneven terrains, from where semi-buried basements rose to store traditional Italian products handcrafted at these properties, such as cheese, wine, and salami. (Posenato, 2020, p. 128). Comprised of perfectly aligned openings and forming austere and symmetrical compositions, these robust volumes are very much in line with its Veneto vernacular architecture origins.
Figure 5. Angelo Roberti´s house in Videira. Source: Júlio Posenato, 2019.

This model was transformed into smaller scale residences by the later period, frequently composed of a single floor. During this phase, between the 1940s and 1960s, the model becomes more flexible, eventually transforming itself into an urban architecture and responding to the families' new living standards. The attics, which lost their storage functions, were replaced by hip roofs – a characteristic that led these houses to be called "bungalows."
Another distinctive architecture of the immigrants and their descendants is the timber churches that, distinct from the houses, absorbed stylistic traces from typological eclecticism, notably the religious neo-gothic. In the Catarinense west, churches with two symmetrical frontal towers prevailed, although smaller single tower models co-exist. Timber churches were built up until the communities had the possibility of erecting permanent brick masonry temples. In both cases, up until the Concilio Vaticano II, they absorbed stylistic traces from the Gothic and Romanic sacred architecture (Posenato, 2020, 388-390).

Figure 6. São Carlos chapel in Chapecó. Source: Julio Posenato, 2019

Other large-scale buildings produced entirely in timber are the windmills and carpentry shops, forming unique landscapes along the State's countryside. Cereal mills were built in most urban and rural nuclei, once wheat and corn flour are the essential Italian food base (Posenato, 202, 434). Industrial Mills that use cylinders instead of stone discs are the tallest edifications built in this period – they reach up to five floors.
"The process of colonization of the West of Santa Catarina, especially between 1920-1960, caused a profound modification of the environment" (Radin and Silva, 2018, p. 695). The deforestation of the region had propelled the timber cycle in favor of the extension of the State's agricultural lands and the extraction, so the exhaustion of natural resources ultimately contributed to its end. The publication of the National Forests protection code in 1965 reinforced the impossibility for its continuation. In 1970 (figure 7), while the Midwest concentrated the extraction of timber in the State, the far West testified a significantly reduced activity.
Figure 7. Production of native timber in thousands of cubic meters in 1970. Source: Claro, 1991.

The timber cycle gave way to concrete and brick buildings for the middle class, eventually being limited to rural areas and more impoverished population layers. For Batista (2011, p.77), "The popularization of concrete as the image of modernity ended generating prejudice against timber, understood from that moment onwards as an antiquate and ephemerous material if compared to the robustness of the new technique. The popular desire for a "masonry house" bequeathed timber to a secondary function within Brazilian civil construction.
Claro (1991, p. 145-146) expresses that the spatial richness of the houses developed regionally by immigrants of different nationalities in Santa lost their aesthetic unity through miscegenation and the popularization of standardized timber residential models diffused by the company Lumber and Co. These models produced by the American company differ from the Immigrant's timber construction realm by the absence of independent structures and general simplification of floorplans and construction schemes.
The surviving ensembles, since then, pass by an ever-going obsolescence and replacement process. Isolated constructions still resist, mixed among contemporary urban fabrics, where heritage protection schemes are rarely in place. However, the urban plots' tremendous economic value foreshadows their destiny: to be disassembled and sold as "demolition waste timber."
These buildings' volumetric characteristics and location generated different conservation and preservation results in the past 40 years. A priori, late period buildings erected in urban centers were subject to demolition even before the processes of valorization of the Italian Immigrant's culture initiated by the commemoration of the centenary in the mid-1970s. Arguably then, most of the cities in the West do not foresee landmarking heritage as ensembles. Chapecó, the only city in the west with an active municipal listing process in place, has only one representative of the timber cycle landmarked. The surviving units are placed within urban fabrics irregularly, and it is not easy to comprehend their historicity as an interconnected layer, primarily because the environment they are in does not refer to them anymore. Lack of urban reference and growing verticalization of the urban centers ultimately accelerates the process of obsolescence by contrast, as real estate speculation forces plots to be exploited in terms of buildable area.
Notable buildings have been transformed in municipal museums in the past 30 years. In Chapecó, the Bertaso House currently holds the city's Museum of Colonization since its landmarking as a municipal heritage in 2011. "The historical house of the Bertaso family was built in the central region of Chapecó in the 1920s by the then owner of the Bertaso, Maia e Cia. Colonization enterprise, Coronel Bertaso. The construction, built using native timber abundant in Santa Catarina's West during the arrival of the colonist's period, was built to serve as the residence, office, political plots and decision-making place, especially related to the colonization process. In 1991, the house was moved to the Tancredo Neves Exhibition Center, in the Efapi neighborhood in Chapecó" (Secretaria de Cultura de Chapecó) (our translation).

Figure 8. Bertaso House. Source: Cultura.sc.gov.br, n/d.

In São Lourenço do Oeste, the Comercindo Pederssetti house (built after the arrival of the family in 1956) was moved from its original location to the city center after the conclusion of two years of negotiations (1993- 1995), in an agreement between the Municipality, UNOESC, IPHAN, CEFET and the Perdersseti Family. The house was then transformed into a local history Museum in 2001. According to Marcos J. Pederssetti (2018), "the central allegation for the selection of the house was that it pictured the humble and straightforward way in which families lived and the Italian origins' characteristics of the house." The house was transported by truck in two parts and then restored.
Figure 9. Comercindo Pederssetti Museum in São Lourenço do Oeste: restored and moved to the city center and later demolished in 2010. Source: São Lourenço do Oeste Municipality, 2008.

In this process, the ceramic roof tiles were replaced by timber tiles to bring the house to its original State. The usage of timber tiles for covering roofs was widespread in countryside areas where ceramic tiles were not available until the 1960s. The valorization of the Italian descendant's culture, in this regard, was attached to the process of building in timber. Unfortunately, in 2009, due to the lack of conservation, the Municipality demolished the house.
Both houses represent Italian descendants' architecture in Santa Catarina, but their relocations expose the irregularity of understanding Italian immigrants' patrimonial value in this region. The Bertaso house is an elite urban architecture relegated to the outskirts of an exhibition center of the West of Santa Catarina's biggest city. The Pederssetti house, on the contrary, was a countryside residence brought to a city center.
In both cases, relocations were possible because they were made of timber. The easiness in disassembling and reassembling buildings made with this technique grants a unique shape to the administration of the material culture of the Ítalo-gauchos in Santa Catarina. Despite the relative fragility of Araucária timber regarding xylophagous insects, there is a general lack of surveying to attest the west ensembles' conservation status. Nevertheless, the same process exposes the fragility and contradictions of the safeguarding policies in place: urban architecture tends to be disregarded while rural ensembles gained momentum.
In terms of function, timber buildings' musealization repeatedly turned towards the thematic of Colonization. In Videira, the Museum of Wine Mário Pellegrin was installed in a two-story former canonic house. It is the only timber building related to the Italian Colonists listed as state heritage by the Fundação Catarinense de Cultura in the West.
Restored between 1983-1985 by the Municipality (FCC, 2013), the Museum was built by Salvatorian Priests in 1931. The conservation works passed by three phases: substituting and treating construction elements, floors and walls; improving sanitary and electric installations; and improving the garden and the house's external environment (Biasi and Camara, 2007, p.2).

Figure 10. Museum of Wine Mário Pellegrin in Videira. Source: Prefeitura de Videira, 2020.

This construction is revested with religious stylism and is significantly adorned compared to the overall austere panorama migration architecture in Santa Catarina, and so is the Bertaso house in Chapecó. Within the context of this region's ensemble, the primary safeguarding of exceptionally adorned buildings seems to indicate that the Municipal administrations can recognize exceptions but not necessarily extend the protection towards the historical timber cycle architectural layer.

# 2. The brick Buildings of the Itajaí Valley
In 1875, and 25 years after the German Immigrants' arrival, the Italian immigrants were distributed on many nuclei around the Blumenau Colony in the Itajaí Valley: Aquidaban, Guaricanas, Ascurra, Rodeio and Rio dos Cedros. In the same year, Nova Trento and Porto Franco (both colonial districts of the Itajaí-Brusque Colony) also received Italian colonists. In Brusque, the Italians occupied many lines of the German colony from 1876 onwards. The Luis Alves Colony was founded in 1877 (POSENATO, 2020, p.26-27).
Regarding the architecture, it is noticeable that the arrival of the Italian immigrants, a few years after the German colonies' implementation, allowed the mixing of the Italian and German immigrants' architectural language. In the Itajaí Valley, the Italian immigrants, primarily located at the margins of the colony, incorporated many of the traditions previously developed by the German colonists, especially in terms of volumetry and organizational schemes of German houses. In return, many elements attributed to their presence in the Valley have been incorporated in a good number of exemplars. However, this influence's distribution is irregular and generally can be better perceived in areas where Italians were concentrated: Ascurra, Rodeio, and Rio dos Cedros.
The most noticeable trace of the Italian's influence in the Rio dos Cedros area is the brick masonry in terms of construction technique. By 1880, Pietro Trentini, an immigrant from Trento, introduced the on-site fired bricks production. Instead of conventional kilns, bricks' production in loco (aired and fired in the open air) eliminated transport costs. Vicenzi (1976, p.364) affirms that until 1900, bricks' production using Trentini's technique reached around 450000 units.
It is hard to attest to the reach of his influence. By the same period, Germans in Blumenau popularized the construction of German-style brick buildings. In the context of Rio dos Cedros and adjacencies, though, where fachwerk predominated mostly because of the Pomeranians' presence, houses following Germanic patterns but erected entirely in structural brick masonry surfaced. Moreover, separated kitchens from the main residential volumes were relatively standard and along with the use of full arches on porches.
The most notable example is the Schiocket House in Jaraguá do Sul, built between 1914-1922. The frontal porch is composed of full arches sustained by painted brick masonry pillars (Vieira Filho and Weissheimer, 2006, B). The porch received a painting treatment that imitates blue marble, similar to Italian scaiola. The floorplan, nevertheless, is distinctively German. The Zimath and Ewald houses in Timbó, both built by the end of the 19th century in structural masonry, have separate kitchens. The main portion of the Zimath house, built over slightly uneven terrain, is placed upon a stone base resembling a piano nobile. These two houses belonged to German Colonists, which corroborates the notion of architectural miscegenation in the area.

Figure 11. Schiocket House in Jaraguá do Sul. Source: IPHAN, 2005.

Figure 12. Zimath house in Timbó. Source: IPHAN, 2005.

In Ascurra, however, the Buzzi house (1886) is an exception. "in its typology, volumetry and proportions, the relation with the Italian rural architecture and with the stone masonry two-story houses found in the Southern Colonies of Santa Catarina is clear (…) The classic proportions of this architecture are perceived in the distance between openings and the differences in the height of the ground and first floors (…)The hip roof, covered with French tiles, is visibly less accentuated than the ones with German influence" (Michels, 2011) (our translation).

Figure 13. Buzzi house in Ascurra. Source: IPHAN, 2005.

Timber constructions were also prevalent as cheaper versions of the fachwerk houses. They follow the same pattern as the German settlers' houses. From the 1920s onwards, standardized timber house models were widespread in Blumenau, as the built technique is simplified. The popularization of ready-made models in Blumenau could also be linked to housing's serial production for the rising industries' employees.
The conditions of the conservation of the buildings erected in brick masonry are better than the fachwerk and timber buildings, once they do not suffer from wood deterioration. The bricks, when well-produced, present a higher resistance e, almost usually, better durability. However, it is common to find problems caused by rising dampness. (Vieira Filho and Weissheimer, 2006 A, p. 155). Other damages include fissures and cracks, either from the deterioration of the mortars or mechanical damage.
The valorization of the Italian Immigration context in the Itajai Valley is part of the Roteiros Nacionais de Imigração program, and many constructions included the ones cited above, have been landmarked by the Federal Government (IPHAN) in 2007. Nevertheless, the safeguarding of these buildings is not explicitly linked to preserving the Italian culture in the region but by the relevant immigration mix.
The built panorama of the Valley is very different from the West, once verticalization did not happen. The single-family ground floor-and-attic scheme from the germans prevailed in areas with the presence of Italians – especially around Timbó and Pomerode (Vieira, 2008, p. 93). In terms of signifying heritage nowadays, these buildings follow the same pathway of the German context.
The Itajaí Valley is highly touristified when it comes to the Immigrant's heritage. The valorization of the German Immigrants' culture initiated by Blumenau in the 1970s with the introduction of the neofachwerk fake architecture and the Oktoberfest indeed influenced the patrimonialization of the Immigrants' heritage in the whole State. However, the dominance of the fachwerk and the German context is undoubtedly overpowering in this region.
Amalgamated within the German descendant's predominance, the Italian settlers' culture and descendants' valorization in the Itajai Valley is hardly ever centered around architectural heritage. It developed in accordance to the touristifcation pattern established by Blumenau, where major annual festivities celebrate the immigrants' intangible heritage. In the Festa Tretina, established in 1989, "the Trentina culture is presented through folkloric shows, allegoric parades that show the journey of the first immigrants" (Circolo Tretino, n/d) (my translation). Rio dos Cedros' Tourism website only lists 2 churches as touristic buildings (Portal de Turismo de Rio dos Cedros, 2021). Rodeio only has Intangible heritage regulations in place.
From the same period, the Festa Per Tutti in Ascurra offers a similar event. The tourism website of the Ascurra Municipality mentions as touristic attractions 14 constructions, mostly masonry brick churches and houses. However, only four are listed as architectural heritage. The Merini house can be visited with the authorization of the family, while the Rinco house and the Buzzi houses can only be visited from the outside because of their deterioration status (Portal de Turismo de Ascurra, 2021). As a comparison, Pomerode, built by Pomeranian Immigrants, has 235 fachwerk buildings currently listed as municipal heritage.

# 3. The Stone ensembles of the South
The occupation of the Valley of the Tubarão River in the South of Santa Catarina by Italians, from Laguna towards Urussanga, Orleans, Nova Veneza, Pedras Grandes and Criciúma nowadays, initiated in 1877 to accommodate the immigratory waves the Itajaí Valley could not receive by that date. The colonization process by Italians in this area is chronologically irregular and allowed different Italian populations to establish diversified customs in terms of architecture. The South, thus, presents the usage of timber, stone masonry and brick. It was also prone to Luso-Brazilian populations' influence previously established, differentiating itself from the West and the Itajaí Valley.
"The continuous fluency of immigrants made the predominance of the Italian architecture evident, even when the buildings were being built within the repertoire of the urban eclecticism – as in the Urussanga Square. In this region, the construction techniques, in special the roof structures, are directly descendant from Italy. Floorplans, openings, volumetry, stone masonry, façades, hardware: everything legitimates the authentic Itali-Brazilian architecture." (Vieira, 2008, 100) (our translation).
"The nucleus of Urussanga is configurated as the biggest urban ensemble with typical Italian traces in the State of Santa Catarina. The colonial houses around the Anita Garibaldi Square compose along with the Nossa Senhora da Conceição Parish Church a visual specific of the colonization" (Luca and Santiago, 2011, p. 47) (our translation).
In the rural areas, the ensembles follow the pattern of the West's timber architecture, such as kitchen separated from the central residential units, as well as porches and balconies adorned with timber eave mantlings. Timber and stone are the most recurrent materials in the Italian immigrants' rural production in this region because of their abundant availability in the properties. The constructions built with timber were made with cracked laths sawn with a wedge or by hand, later being sawn in sawmills. The timber is also present in the roof structures, roof beams and timber window frames.
Nevertheless, it is the use of stone masonry that sets the ensembles of the South apart. Stone was commonly used, mostly for foundations, many in which the stones are kept on display. The walls may be composed of natural, cracked or carved stones, most of the time employing dry joints. It is also common to find merely assembled irregular stone walls.
The floorplan of the Barzan house, built between 1929-1932, "depicts the usual way of room's division in Italian immigrants' houses: a kitchen separated from the main body of the residence; ground floor with a central living room, allowing the access to the bedrooms and attics also used as a dormitory. The cantina – in the basement- is another common element in the house of the Italian immigrants. (Vieira Filho and Weissheimer, 2006, B, 239). The exterior of this house is flagrantly Italian. The use of arched windows and the symmetrical façades and differentiation in the stone texture between the basement and the following floors is the work of a knowledgeable builder. Nonetheless, the architectural volumetry and spatial organization are compatible with the big timber houses. The Bratti ensemble in Nova Veneza followed a similar organization, although it was executed in stone rubble and present much simpler rectangular openings.

Figure 14. Barzan house in Orleans. Source: IPHAN, 2005.

Figure 15. Bratti ensemble in Nova Veneza. Source: IPHAN: 2005.

Both ensembles demonstrated the disintegrative pattern of Italian building's customs when met with Brazilian conditions. Both Bratti and Barzan properties are composed of multiple buildings spread around the uneven terrains, perhaps connected to the general concept of separating residential buildings (Dimora) from functional facilities (rustico). Nonetheless, the single-family property scheme in place, linked to the fascination of the land's possession (Posenato, 2020), avoided the erection of multi-family quarters. Stone allowed for the erection of much more resistant enclosures, but both volumes are relatively contained in terms of size and height compared to the timber edifications.
The surge of stone houses by Italians in the South is contained in its geographical distribution and production in time, but the exact configuration that allowed stone usage was not scrutinized. It is undoubtedly related to the availability of good stones suitable for construction purposes. Nevertheless, this availability has possibly met highly skilled Italian stone masonry bricklayers, hence the erection of the Barzan setting.
The first colonists of Rio Maior, six kilometers away from Urussanga, came from Erto and Cassano in Friuli-Venezia Giulia, where the stone masonry is a dominant construction technique (Luca and Santiago, 2011). This information by itself is not enough to correctly identify the origins of the stone masonry period but allows the architecture to be understood within knowledgeable parameters.
Even though many historians have overestimated the stone masonry constructions by their direct link with the country of origin, it seems that the timber edifications are more significative, because they truly express the immigrants' adaptation to their new environment. (Weimer, 2005, Apud Luca and Santiago, 2011, p. 53).
Nonetheless, the architecture of the south ensemble gained momentum in the Federal and State's patrimonialization processes. The State landmarked the heritage of Urussanga between 1994 and 2001, and the Anita Garibaldi Square ensemble is currently composed of 18 listed buildings, along with six other landmarked buildings in the Rural area (Luca and Santiago, 2011, p.47). Similarly, IPHAN listed in 2007 three stone masonry settings in the region and the Bez Fontana timber property.
Due to its highly evocative aesthetic, it also attracted a relatively successful touristification process. The production of wine connected to the region also played in their favor in terms of resignification. The region has undoubtedly followed the steps of well-established models in rural tourism, especially the developments of Rio Grande do Sul in this regard, notably the Caminhos de Pedra experience in the countryside of Bento Gonçalves.
Souza et al. (2001, p. 222-223) understand that the process for the configuration of the Caminhos de Pedra is an inversion of the traditional order in which heritage derives' valorization derives from patrimonialization. By assessing the regional culture's touristic potential before official safeguarding procedures, the authors believe that it avoided the traditional sense of autonomy loss derived from public landmarking. Ultimately, this particularity positively influenced owners in order to establish tourism-oriented family-owned businesses. The landmarking process, effectuated at a much later stage, served to propel an already successful enterprise.
The family-owned business model for rural tourism heavily influenced the immigrant culture's patrimonialization process both in the South and in other State areas. The Roteiros da Imigração (immigration routes) project, in terms of the listed ensembles' financial sustainability, visualized the possibilities of built heritage as a conductor of the valorization of traditional products and familiar agriculture aligned with a positive touristfication.
Despite the difficulties in implementing such schemes in the Itajai Valley and the lack of reach of the patrimonialization towards the West, the implementation of the Vales da Uva Goethe project certainly influenced the valorization of familiar wine-producing agriculture in the South. From the establishment of the Association of the Producers of Goethe Grape and Wine (ProGoethe) to the formalization of the Geographical Indication in 2012, "a setting favorable for wine tourism was created, and, before this scenario, the government of Santa Catarina recognized the importance of the Goethe grapes Valley as a unique territory in the State" (Zilli et al., 2019, p.19).

# 4. Patrimonialization and Touristification of the Italian Immigrant's Culture in Santa Catarina between valorization and decadence: a summary

Regarding the policy of preserving the Italian Immigrant's cultural heritage in Brazil, the choices represent the protection of innumerable goods in rural areas, especially in the Roteiros Nacionais da Imigração project - considering that the European immigrants settled in Brazil initially in rural areas and large plots.
The buildings and sets that were chosen to be preserved were largely rural residences that remained serving as such, especially in the examples listed at the federal level and representative of Italian Immigration in Brazil, among which can be mentioned in the South of the State: Barzan house in Orleans; Cancillier house and the set of buildings at the Bez Fontana property, both in Urussanga; and the Bratti Family Stone Houses in Nova Veneza. In the Itajaí Valley, there is the Buzzi house, in Ascurra and the North of the State, Schiocket house, in Jaraguá do Sul. Most houses are still used as a residence by the owners, except for Schiocket house, which remains unused, and the Bratti Family Stone Houses, which are open for visitation and where there is an attempt to establish an accommodation business. The others remain functioning as residences, but the perspective of abandonment is alarming due to the advanced age of the current owners and the heirs' overall unwillingness to live in the properties. Currently, Buzzi house, Barzan house, and Cancillier house are in a precarious state of conservation.
Figure 16. Cancillier house in Urussanga. Source: IPHAN, 2005.

This is not an exclusive reality of the assets representing Italian Immigration. The same situation occurs in residential properties listed and representatives of other ethnic groups (German, Polish or Ukrainian goods).
The biggest problem in terms of administration of heritage in this entire patrimonialization process is that the Federal Government and the State of Santa Catarina have vastly landmarked residential properties without providing financial sustainability incentives to the owners, such as flexible forms of financing, tax relief or others. There have not been any efforts in providing self-sustainability for goods and preservation for the next generations. In rural and residential buildings, occasionally isolated from the city, the commercial or tourist appeal could seize some well-known opportunities such as attaching the selling of traditional products and accommodation functions to the ensembles. However, the success of such enterprises depends on the establishment of well-connected touristic itineraries. Besides, the transformation of houses in businesses requires prior investment and promotion, and these incentives are usually lacking.
In the places where these goods were inserted in a tourist itinerary, the reality changes a little, and they had developed commercial and touristic uses, which facilitates the building's conservation due to continuous use and the improvement in the incomes to the owners. In Pomerode and Jaraguá do Sul, there are good examples of this type of Route effectively implemented: the Fachwerk Route (Pomerode) and the German Route (Jaraguá do Sul), which are territorially contiguous, especifically in the listed neighborhoods of Testo Alto (Pomerode) and Rio da Luz (Jaraguá do Sul).
They work as an inter-municipal tourist itinerary and promote cycling, adventures, gastronomic tourism, and experiential travel, valuing German immigration properties in Brazil. Between the listed goods in these routes, some residential ones diversified and changed their function. Some successful cases in Pomerode include the Waccholz house, which was transformed into an accommodation business; the Siewert house, which is an educational attraction that teaches tourists about the functioning of an ancient rural property; the Strutz house transformed into a handmade cookies store named Delicaten Haus.
Figure 17. Delicaten haus in Pomerode. Source:Marco A. M.Gabriel, 2021.

Likewise, in Jaraguá do Sul, the Rux house and Schroeder house were both transformed into colonial coffee venues. They are simple initiatives with modest financial investment, but they would possibly not last without other tourist attractions to bring people to the place if they were built isolated. Nonetheless, in the way they were conceived, inserted into municipal initiatives, they were successful, generating profit for the owners to safeguard and conserve the property.
Figure 18. Rux house in Jaraguá do Sul. Source: IPHAN,2018.

On the other hand, the Old Winery Cadorin, in Urussanga, listed by the State of Santa Catarina since 2001, and representative of the Italian Immigration in Santa Catarina, could be considered an unsuccessful example of touristic use. It is an attempt within a frail framework between built heritage and the Wine Tourism represented by the Goethe Grape Valleys. Even after its regular wine production ceased, the owners tried to continue receiving visitors for guided tours in the old winery. Unfortunately, it failed, and now the building urges for conservation works, since it is bordering ruin.
Figure 19. Old Winery Cadorin in Urussanga. Source: Raul Zomer, 2020.
Figure 20. Old Winery Cadorin in Urussanga. Source: Raul Zomer, 2020.

It is imperative to mention that the National Immigration Routes project, despite its suggestive name, did not create any actual route. It ends up encompassing a series of goods very distant from each other and quite different, whose only common denominator is being representatives of European immigrants' architecture in Brazil, but without other spatial ties. It intended to be an interinstitutional articulation planned to make many actions to help preserve the Immigrant's heritage and the real implementation of an immigration route in Santa Catarina possible. According to the Cooperation Term (Vieira Filho, 2012, p.211 -221), it aimed:
a*) "To guarantee the preservation of cultural heritage, of a material and immaterial nature, of the regions of Santa Catarina where the immigration process was the oldest (or where the most are preserved);
b) to stimulate the generation of income through the creation of options that allow the families of small rural producers to remain on their properties;
c) to promote interinstitutional partnerships for the qualification of education, through its relationship with culture, and technical training in actions related to family farming and cultural tourism, together with communities;
d) to stimulate forms of commercialization and processing of traditional products from the colonies;
e) strengthen tourism in selected regions
f) expand the partnership between the Federal, State and Municipal public authorities, for the purposes of the Term;
g) interact with the established local and regional governance plans." (our translation)*
However, the plans did not accomplish. It is undeniable that there is no easy way to solve the preservation issue, and the touristic environment of the Immigration culture in the State is also pretty distinct: the great distances between cultural goods, the low income of most of the population and the usual cultural devaluation given to the listed goods, commonly considered as a burden, plays a negative part in shaping this process. This reality is similar all around the country.
The commodification of ensembles often involves physical transformations of buildings and spaces to accommodate touristic activities. The degree of modifications will broadly vary from one place to another, depending on a multitude of characteristics and parameters regarding local heritage policies, physical conditions and socio-economic factors.
These modifications that aim to create more marketable images for heritage generate a false discernment of authenticity perceived by tourists in places specially designed to accommodate them and "support their beliefs in the authenticity of their experiences" (MacCannel, 1973, p. 589).
The Immigrant's culture in Santa Catarina, because of its evocative capacity, is tremendously prone to such effects, hence the over the commodification of the German Cultures in the Itajai Valley, as represented by Blumenau's neofachwerk. The proliferation of "traditional festivities" and the invention of non-existent traditional customs generated by the Itajai Valley's efforts have certainly splashed over the Italian Immigration culture as well, although with much different financial results to this day.
The less successful attempts to establish this model over Ascurra and Rio dos Cedros have not yet generated physical impact over the Italian ensembles. However, the Italian colonies' concentration in the South raises concerns that Municipalities efforts to touristify the ensembles could, in fact, become its fake Italianization.
Summarizing, preserving the Italian Immigrant's legacy in Santa Catarina presents many challenges, as the absence of inventoried and listed goods in the west and midwest of the State, the fragility of construction materials, the obsolescence of construction techniques, lack of conservation, abandonment of properties by newer generations, and harmful tourism commodification threats their preservation.

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